Introduction
Coffee
is one of the most widely consumed commodity drinks in the world, but in
Trinidad and Tobago, coffee is not heavily consumed as in other regions, such
as North America, Asia and Europe. Nevertheless, imported coffee brands appear
to be more widely consumed than locally produced coffee brands. For instance,
Jamaica Blue Mountain Coffee is one of such coffee brands consumed locally. Despite
the popularity of such type of coffee, it is not widely distributed across the
nation’s retailing stores since it specifically serves a local niche market. However, the
aim of this blog is to investigate through the lens of theories and scholarly
articles on the commodity chain network of Jamaica Blue Mountain Coffee by understanding
its geographical characteristics of production, distribution and transportation
with regards to historical, social and environmental conditions.
The Theoretical Dimensions of Commodity Chains
According to Hopkins and Wallerstein (1986), a commodity chain is defined as the “network of labour and production processes whose end result is a finished commodity.” The spatiality of commodity chains plays a vital role in conceptualizing both policy and politics chains. Commodity chains have been analysed from the perspective of dimensions, approaches, conceptualizations and geography.
Three
major dimensions of commodity chains have been highlighted, such as the input-
output structure, territoriality and a governance structure. Input-output
structure includes a set of products and services connected together in a
sequence of value-adding economic activities; territoriality is the spatial and
dispersion or concentration of enterprises in production and distribution
networks; and governance structure deals with issues of authority and power
relationships (Gereffi 1999).
Moreover,
governance structures of the networked global commodity chains can be
categorized into two main concepts, producer-driven and buyer-driven. Barriers
to entry are the main difference between the two types of commodity chains. Producer-driven
commodity chains are characterized as usually large transnational corporations
that play the main roles in the coordinating production networks. Buyer-driven commodity chain includes
industries such as large retailers, brand-named merchandisers and trading
companies that play a dominant role in dispersed production networks in a
number of developing nations. Furthermore, governance structure of a commodity chain
may either be centralized or decentralized. For instance, centralized
organization is characterized as being producer-driven while decentralized
organization succeeds in buyer-driven commodity chains. Characteristically, nodes
with the greatest profits or power are more likely to be located in the core
while the least profitable nodes are situated in the periphery of the chain. Nevertheless,
there has been a noticed shift in the balance of power away from the supplier
towards the retailer in commodity chain.
However,
commodities have been analysed from both a vertical and horizontal approach. Linkages
that emphasize between production, retailing and consumption are characterized
by vertical approaches while horizontal approaches highlights how connections
between commodities are built in distinct places on the chain such as
retailing. Nevertheless, both approaches offer many advantages and
disadvantages to the of commodity chain analysis. For instance, vertical
approaches highlights the differential power relations between sites on
individual chains while on the negative it tends to overlooked the
interconnections between different systems of provision or chains. Moreover,
horizontal approach offers insight to the issues affecting consumers, such as
gender, ethnicity and others, while on the other hand it may lead to a
predominant descriptive account of consumption. Nevertheless, both approaches
remain crucial in order to analyse consumption.
The global commodity chain (GCC)
is made up a group of inter-organizational networks gathered around a single
commodity or product, linking households, enterprises and states to one another
within the world economy (Gereffi 1994).
Global commodity chain analysis
tends to emphasize the characteristics of each node. In essence, the GCC
is a World-System Theory at the micro-level (Gereffi 1994). According to this
theoretical approach, power is constructed along nodes of commodity chain at
the micro-level from the similar perspective of core versus periphery in the
World System Theory at the macro-level.
Systems
of provision place emphasis on the production dynamics without any regards for
the social relations at other sites in the chain. According to Fine and Leopold
(1999), systems of provision are the most comprehensive elaboration of
production-consumption relations. Basically, the concept rejects the horizontal
analyses of consumption for the adoption of the vertical approach which
highlights the differences in the means in which production and consumption are
connected in many commodities without ignoring the factors of consumption at
the same time. Moreover, production has become more consumer-driven since consumers
demands are influencing the nature of production.
The concept
of commodity circuits has been used to basically understand how geographical
knowledge of commodity systems is shaped and reshaped (Cook et al. 1997).
In contrast to the concept of a chain, commodity circuit approach has no beginning
or end but instead permits a dense web of interaction between all sites. The
tracing of relationships is of little importance to concept of circuit as
opposed to the idea of commodity chains.
However, aesthetic reflexivity is advocated by foregrounding the
fabrications made available at different sites (Crang 1996). This is achieved by contrasting various aspects
of a product and acknowledging the fragmentary and contradictory nature of the
knowledge through which commodity systems are imagined (Cook and Crang 1996). Nevertheless, there is much debate over the language
use of commodity circuits as opposed to commodity chains since it may avoid
issues of exploitation.
Geography
plays an important role in charting connection between places along the chain in
order to better understand the complex decisions of consumers. As a result,
geography is critical to the building of a politics of consumption since it
facilitates traceability of goods from the producer to the consumer. Also,
commodities vary with scale depending on the unique spatiality of the product.
In general, the spatiality of commodity chains has vital implications for both
policy and politics (Leslie and Reimer 1999).
An Overview of Coffee’s Historical,Social and Environmental conditions
Coffee
is the second most traded commodity in the Post-World War II period. Coffee
production remains one of the main commodities that have contributed
significantly to Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of many developing countries. According
to Ponte (2002), developing countries account for the highest coffee production
worldwide while developed or industrialized countries are the highest of
consumers of coffee. Coffee became one of the first commodities to be regulated
due to governmental institutions involvement in the early 20th
century of the coffee trade industry. Historically, coffee has been treated as
a “strategic” commodity by many developing nations’ government. As a result, government
authorities have been able to regulate the industry by the means of managing
local marketing boards and quality operations before the advent of the market
regulations in 1980s and 1990s.
The
coffee industry is an important source of livelihood for millions of
smallholders and farm workers nationwide (Ponte 2002). Therefore, any political
action taken in the global coffee commodity chain can significantly impact upon
the world’s developing economy and social welfare. Traditionally, coffee beans
went through many chains before arriving at the final consumer. However, with
the deregulation of the coffee market, there has been the removal of some key
players within the coffee commodity chain, such as local coffee boards,
institutes and other quasi-governmental bodies that regulated export sales. These
observed changes in the coffee commodity chain primarily occurred with respect to
the end of the International Coffee Agreement (ICA) regime which enacted it
first regulatory in 1962 in order to facilitate better relationship between
coffee producing and consuming countries in terms of implementing price schemes
and export quotas. Thus, there has been a general shift of power from producing
to consuming countries in the coffee-marketing chain due to the end of the ICA
regime (Ponte 2002). As a result, retailers, processors and international
traders are progressively dictating many coffee commodity chains. As a
consequence, the standard of living for many coffee famers in developing
countries has declined due to higher price instability and also events of
exploitation on coffee estates are likely to proliferate since there is a
withdrawal of government intervention to maintain proper working conditions
between producers and consumers.
Moreover,
retailers, processors and international traders have been able to manipulate
the coffee commodity chain for their personal benefits by controlling standards
and quality conventions, market and consumer information, vertical integration
and branding. According to Ponte (2002), this imbalance in the global coffee
chain can be resolved through initiatives that are focused on enhancing coffee
quality in producing countries and the appreciation of quality in consuming
countries. For instance, coffee producers are likely to benefit from the growth
in conscious consumption or quality initiative whereby coffee producers provide
high quality coffee beans in exchange for higher prices in order to meet the
quality demands of the market. Fortunately, Jamaica Blue Mountain Coffee is one
of the top premium coffee brands in the world and therefore, the industry has
been able to capitalize on such opportunities. Nevertheless, such an initiative
can be achieved through fair trade policies which would require consumers to
pay a premium price for the high quality coffee so that producers or farmers
receive the economic benefits for their effort. Also, developing systems of
appellation as in the case of the wine industry can be very beneficial to coffee
producers (Ponte 2002). Yet again, Jamaica Blue Mountain Coffee industry has
been able to take advantage of such appellation system in which geographical
indicator is being used to brand coffee beans grown within the Blue Mountains
of Jamaica. As a result, Jamaica Blue Mountain Coffee has been able to successfully
access niche markets across the world despite being a relatively small coffee
producing country in comparison to Brazil and Colombia.
As
mentioned earlier, the major producers of coffee beans are located within developing
countries whose climatic and soil type are conducive to growth of the
commodity. It is stated that coffee is best grown in environmental conditions
of high altitudes in a tropical climate where there is rich soil (National
Coffee Association USA 2014). The most ideal location for coffee growth would
be located between latitudes of 25 degrees north and 30 degrees south of the
equator. Major coffee producing countries are Brazil, Colombia, Mexico, Costa
Rica, Ethiopia, Ivory Coast, Kenya, Yemen, Vietnam, Indonesia, Puerto Rico,
Guatemala and Hawaii (U.S State).
Details on Jamaica Blue Mountain Coffee
History of Jamaica Blue Mountain Coffee
The
history of Jamaica Blue Mountain Coffee can be dated back to the early 18th
century when former governor of Jamaica Sir Nicolas Lawes brought the first
coffee plants (Arabica Typica) to the island of Jamaica in the St. Andrew
parish region. The coffee plants adapted favourably to the island’s environment
that the coffee industry was rapidly extended from St. Andrew to the Blue
Mountains area (Dr.Tortello 2002). Nonetheless, coffee from the Blue Mountains
of Jamaica is the first ever type of coffee to be assigned a geographical
indicator as a brand (Sea Island Coffee 2014).
The
advent of emancipation in the year 1838 saw the closure of many coffee
plantations in Jamaica. However, despite enjoying unlimited success in its earlier
years of operation, the Jamaica Blue Mountain Coffee and the coffee industry in
general began experiencing serious problems in the1890s. These problems included
issues such as labour shortage, price fluctuation, unfavourable weather
conditions and others (J. Martinez & Company 2014). As a result, an earnest effort was made by
the local government to improve the quality of coffee cultivation. An important
decision was taken by the Jamaican government in the year 1944 to begin a
Central Clearing Coffee operation in which all coffee for export had to be cleaned
and graded. Also, the Jamaican Coffee Industry Board (JICB) was established on
the 2nd June, 1950 in order to oversee the development of Jamaica’s
Coffee Industry and also to promote the welfare of its local stakeholders (JICB
2014). Despite the rapid deregulation of many coffee boards around the world,
Jamaica has been able to retain its coffee board for the benefit of the Jamaica
Blue Mountain Coffee industry and its stakeholders.
Social and Labour Condition
![]() |
Source: Blue Mountain Coffee 2014
Photo 1 shows a small-scale Jamaica Blue Mountain Coffee farmer.
|
Jamaica
Blue Mountain Coffee industry plays a vital role in sustaining the social welfare
of many people from rural communities. Coffee is the second largest agriculture
industry in Jamaica (Tufton 2010). It is estimated that about 25,000 coffee
farmers cultivate the Blue Mountain (Sea Island Coffee 2014). However, according
to the Jamaican Coffee Industry Board (2014), there is an estimate of 7032
registered coffee farmers in the Blue Mountain of Jamaica. Additionally, the
total number of registered famers with production and acreage within the Blue
Mountain area is 5,796. Although there are many processing coffee companies
involved in Jamaica Blue Mountain Coffee industry, there are only few major
players such as Clydesdale, Mavis Bank and Wallenford Coffee
Company, Clifton Mount Estate and RSW Estates that reap the highest
earnings from export activities (Sea Island Coffee 2014). Nevertheless, the relationship
between Jamaica Blue Mountain coffee farmers and processors may be analyzed
according to the status of the existing farm system.
The
relationship between independent farmers and smallholders of Jamaica Blue
Mountain Coffee industry is unique because the processors operate a pricing
regime combined with a pre-funding and balancing payment mechanism which
categorically benefits the smallholder farmer (Blue Mountain Coffee (Europe)
Limited 2014). The processors with the assistance of the Jamaica Coffee
Industry Board aid small-scale farmers through the means of offering extension
services and also covering the cost of their input supplies.
On
the other hand, larger farms or coffee estates who are the dominant providers
of Jamaica Blue Mountain Coffee to processors, their employees are paid and
employed under standards regulated by the Jamaican labour Legislation. As a
result, workers are likely to enjoyed better working conditions than many other
coffee industries (Blue Mountain Coffee (Europe) Limited 2014). Also, the
workers from the processing, sorting and warehouse facilities are provided with
similar benefits as well.
Despite
offering favourable conditions for workers, the Jamaica Blue Mountain Coffee
industry is currently not certified by any Fair-trade label. However, the
Clifton Mount Estate and Marley Coffee estate are the only estates to acquire
Rainforest Alliance Certification within the Blue Mountain Coffee
industry.
The Production Environment
Jamaica
Blue Mountain Coffee brand name is unique since it reflects the region where
the coffee beans were grown. This has been used towards the Jamaica Blue
Mountain Coffee industry advantage as a Geographical Indicator marketing tool
that is authorized by the Jamaica Coffee Industry Board. However, the Blue Mountains of Jamaica is
situated on the eastern side of the island. Its highest recorded peak is 7402 ft.
The total coffee production area on the Blue Mountain is approximately 6,000
hectares. Nevertheless, the environment in which Jamaica Blue Mountain coffee is
produced may be identified by boundary, altitude and microclimatic and soil
condition characteristics
Jamaica
Blue Mountain coffee can be found primarily in three parishes, such as St.
Andrew, St. Thomas and Portland. Majority of Jamaica Blue Mountain coffee land
area are within the St. Andrew parish. In 2009, the total coffee area (in
acres) in St. Andrew, Portland and St. Thomas
were estimated to be 5,822ac, 4,12ac and 3,347ac, respectively
(Jamaica Ministry of Agriculture 2009). Nevertheless, according to regulations
of the Jamaica Coffee Industry Board (2014), the boundaries of the Blue
Mountain Coffee area are defined as seen in Map 1. A number of coffee
estates and micro-farms are found within in this boundary, such as Flamstead
Estate, Clifton Mount Estate, Greenwich Estate and others.
However,
in order for any coffee to be labelled Jamaican Blue Mountain, it must be grown
at elevations between 3,000 and 5,000 feet (Caribbean Agribusiness 2014). The imported
Jamaica Blue Mountain Coffees at the Petit Gourmet store are from Flamstead
Estate farm which stands on an elevation of 3,300 feet (Blue Mountain Coffee 2014).
On the other hand, coffee cultivated on altitudes between 1,500 and 3000 feet
are known as High Mountain, while coffee grown below 1,500 feet are called
Jamaica Supreme or Jamaica Low Mountain (Caribbean Agribusiness 2014). Moreover,
it should be noted that no coffee is grown above 5,500 feet since such areas
are forest preserve.
The
Blue Mountain area of Jamaica offers an ideal microclimate and soil environment
for the cultivation of Arabica Typica coffee. The landscape of the Blue
Mountain area encourages high rainfall and also creates a mist that gives cool
temperatures. As a result, the coffee cherries mature at a slower rate which
eventually enables the development of a special aroma and rich coffee flavour
(Prime Coffee Traders 2014). Also, the cultivation of coffee under naturally
shaded and fauna-friendly conditions may have contributed to the high-quality
taste of Blue Mountain coffee since the coffee are allowed to develop under
cool temperatures as well. Also, the
fertile volcanic soil and excellent drainage of the Blue Mountain area enables
the coffee plants to thrive (Slawych 2013).
![]() |
Map 1 showing area where Jamaica Blue Mountain Coffee is produced within the light blue area of the Jamaica land mass outline.
|
How does Jamaica Blue Mountain Coffee get to Trinidad and Tobago?
In
Trinidad and Tobago, Jamaica Blue Mountain Coffee is sold primarily at the
Petit Gourmet store. According to information provided by store manager Mr.
Colin Chan, the imported Jamaica Blue Mountain Coffee can be traced to farmers
at the Flamstead Estate in the St. Andrew parish of Jamaica. After being hand-picked
by workers from the Flamstead Estate, the coffee beans are sold to the largest
and only fully integrated Jamaica Blue Mountain Coffee facility which is the
Mavis Bank Coffee Factory (Blue Mountain Coffee 2014). The coffee beans are processed
and branded by the Mavis Bank Coffee Factory as Jablum in which 100% Jamaica
Blue Mountain Coffee is imprinted to guarantee the brand of coffee. However, before the coffee is exported to Trinidad
and Tobago or any other destination, the coffee must be thoroughly inspected by
the Jamaica Coffee Board Industry (JICB) in order to ensure quality for clients
oversee. After passing the inspection, the Jamaica Blue Mountain Coffee is
shipped to Trinidad and Tobago by either sea or air transportation to the
Port-of-Spain’s port or the Piarco International Airport, respectively. The imported
Jamaica Blue Mountain Coffee is then distributed by road transportation to the
Petit Gourmet store located at 33 St. Clair Avenue, Port of Spain, Trinidad
where it is then sold to consumers as the Jablum brand of 100% Jamaica Blue
Mountain Coffee. The diagram in Figure 1
shows a summarized version of the production and distribution system, and
transportation networks of Jamaica Blue Mountain Coffee through a valued added
chain.
Jamaica Blue Mountain Coffee Value
Added Chain
![]() |
Figure 1 showing the value added chain of Jamaica Blue Mountain Coffee in a transportation network.
|
Mavis Bank Coffee Factory (MBCF)
| Photo 2: showing inside of the Mavis Bank Coffee Factory. |
There
are many private stakeholders within the Jamaica Blue Mountain Coffee industry,
but Mavis Bank Coffee Factory Limited (MBCF) can be easily classified as the central
player in the Industry as the company controlled approximately 32% of the
Jamaica Blue Mountain Coffee market during the year 2008 and 2009 (Blue
Mountain Coffee 2014). MBCF was established in 1923 by Victor C. Munn and
today, the company’s Chief Executive Officer (CEO) is Mr. Norman Grant. MBFC is
the most technological advance and efficient coffee factory in the Jamaica Blue
Mountain Coffee industry because of its fully integrated facility. The company
processes approximately 1.4 million pound of green coffee beans from 6000
farmers annually (Blue Mountain Coffee 2014). In addition, MBFC is the owner of
the Jablum 100% Jamaica Blue Mountain Coffee brand. This brand of Jamaica Blue
Mountain Coffee is mainly purchased by the Japanese, European, North American
and Caribbean market.
The Symbolism of Jamaica Blue Mountain Coffee to Society
Photo: 3a Photo: 3b
Source: Blue Mountain
Coffee 2014
Photo
3a and 3b shows the Jamaica Blue Mountain Coffee brand and Flamstead Estate
logo, respectively.
Jamaica
Blue Mountain Coffee is sold and packaged differently across the globe.
However, in Trinidad and Tobago, Jamaica Blue Mountain Coffee is packaged and sold
under the Jablum brand. Nevertheless, Jamaica Blue Mountain Coffee is a very symbolic
commodity that intrinsically represents the people of Jamaica. The use of
geographical indicator to brand such commodity reflects the high degree of
attachment of the commodity to its place of production. The commodity is
usually imprinted with images of the Blue Mountain to also emphasize its
attachment to such place. However, the image of the Blue Mountains of Jamaica
on such commodity reflects positively in the minds of many local and
international coffee consumers of Jamaica Blue Mountain Coffee as one might envisioned
being spiritually connected to such site with just one cup of Jamaica Blue
Mountain Coffee.
References
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Accessed 03, 2014. http://www.bluemountaincoffeejamaica.com/ethics.
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Chan, C. 2014. Personal communication. Petit
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States of America: Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc.
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ShantayaĆ© . 2012. “Mavis Bank Coffee Factory-Home of Jablum Coffee.” July 17,
2012. Accessed April 02, 2014. http://www.jamaicaobserver.com/.
Hopkins, T., and I. Wallerstein. 1986. “The
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Blue Mountain Coffee. 2014. “How Coffee
is Cultivated.” Accessed March 03,2014. http://www.bluemountaincoffee.com/index.cfm?method=AboutUs.Cultivated&.
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Martinez & Company. 2014. “Jamaica Blue Mountain Coffee A Short History.”
Accessed
March 02, 2014.http://www.martinezfinecoffees.com/coffee-information/jamaica-blue-mountain-coffee-information/jamaica-blue-mountain-coffee-history/jamaica-blue-mountain-coffee-history-chapter-two.html.
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Coffee Traders. 2014. “Jamaica Blue Mountain.” Accessed March 25, 2014. http://www.coffee-traders.com/en/Jamaica-Blue-Mountain?coID=8.
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Island Coffee. 2014. “History of Jamaica Blue Mountain Coffee.” Accessed March
01, 2014. http://www.seaislandcoffee.com/browse-estates/jamaica-blue-mountain-coffee/history-of-jamaica-blue-mountain-coffee.html.
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Daina. 2013. “Jamaica's Blue Mountain Coffee
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